AMERICANISM. 


\ 



OF HON. LEWIS 

OF OHIO, 




Delivered at the American Mass Meeting , held in Washington 
City , February 29 th, 1856, as reported and published in the 
11 American Organ.” 


Mr. Campbell entered the hall, accompanied by the 
Committee, and was received with enthusiastic cheers 
by the assembly. 

He appeared upon the stand, and, being prese"ted by 
Hon. John T Towers, President ofthe meeting and Mayor 
of the city, said : 

Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens: 

I have this moment entered the hall, and do 
not know exactly what you are doing, or what 
you intend to do. In fact, Mr. President, I have 
been almost forced from my quiet apartments, 
a few steps up the hill, by your Committee, after 
I had once declined their invitation, in the early 
part of the evening. I feel, therefore, that I 
am placed under embarrassing circumstances. 
If it be your purpose to perpetuate the great 
principles of American Liberty and the Union 
ofthe States, in that spirit in which our Revo¬ 
lutionary fathers secured them for us, then I am 
with you with all my soul 1 [Cheers.] 

Before I proceed to make a speech, it is but 
proper that I should say that I came here with 
no intention to commit myself to the support ct 
men , or to identify myself with your proceed¬ 
ings, further than to speak my views upon Amer¬ 
ican principles. 

I have always been a Whig. Enlisting under 
the banner of that great party in 1832, when it 
was gallantly borne onward by that lamented 
American statesman, “Harry of the West,” I 
did not desert it so long a3 the organization 
continued. But it is now conceded that the 
Whig party is dead—that it is “ defunct in the 
abstract! ” [Laughter and applause.] It was 
a glorious old party, and my eminent friend from 
Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden, who sat on the 
stand] and I will long cherish our pleasant rec¬ 
ollections of it in the stirring times of 1840 and 
1844, when, shoulder to shoulder, without ref¬ 
erence to geographical lines, we battled for its 
principles. [Applause.] 

Mr. President, ail the old parties have been 
knocked to pieces. [Cheers.] To use the fa¬ 
vorite expression of a Western friend, they are 


now in a state of 11 confusion confuzled.” 
[Laughter and cheers.] Why, sir, where is 
the Democratic party—the party as it existed 
in the days of General Jackson? It has been 
reduced to a mere association of men, whose 
only aim appears to be the spoils of victory! 
[Applause,] It no longer exists as a party of 
fixed principles. Were President Pierce to 
send out all his force of marshals and deputy 
marshals, to find such a party, each one provi¬ 
ded with a national search warrant, they would 
fail to discover the fugitive! [Applause.] It, 
too, has departed 1 His marshals would have 
to make returns upon their writs similar to that 
of the Kentucky constable. A Kentuck fight 
once occurred at a tavern cn “Bar Grass!” 

One of the combatants broke a whisky bottle 
over the head of his antagonist. The result was 
a State’s warrant. The defendant fled through 
a corn-field, over the creek, into a swamp, and 
there climbed a stump. Seating himself in the 
fork, he drew his “ Bowie,” and, as the consta¬ 
ble approached in pursuit, he addressed him: 

“ Now, Mr. Constable, you want to take me } 
and I give you fair warning that if you attempt \ 
to climb this stump, ‘by the Eternal,’ III take 
you!” [Laughter and applause.] The con¬ 
stable, who had been about the court-house 
enough to learn some of the technical terms 
used in returning writs, went back to the 
Squire’s office, and endorsed upon the warrant: 

“ Non est inventus! through fieldibus, across 
creekum , in swampum , up stumpum 1 non come - 
atibus /” [Laughter and cheers.] So it is 
with the old Jackson Democratic party— “non- 
comeatibus! ” [Cheers.] 

[At this point, a disturbance and rencontre 
took place, in a distant part of the hall. Cries 
of “Put him out! ” “ Sag Nicht! ” “Put him 
out! ” Mr. Campbell, cried at the top of his 
voice, “No! don’t put him out! Bring him 
here, and give him a seat on the stand!” This 
created much laughter, and restored order 
when Mr. Campbell again proceeded. j 






It is an interesting point to observe •what bas 
caused this disruption of these great parties. It 
is due to truth and frankness to say that it was 
that “ vexed question ” of Slavery—a question 
which has, from the foundation of the Govern¬ 
ment, given us, as a nation, very great trouble. 
That question has destroyed the Whig party; 
it has split into fragments the Democratic party, 
and now threatensjx) divide and render power¬ 
less the American party. Yes, gentlemen, it is 
the u distinguished gentleman from Africa ”— 
[laughter]—who was at an early period dragged 
to this favored land of ours, (to vhich he didn’t 
belong,) by the cupidity of Northern as well as 
of Southern men —he has done this thing 1 It is 
the “ colored gentlemau in the fuel,” or (if I 
may be permitted to express it in vulgar par¬ 
lance) the “ nigger in the wood pile,” who has 
given us all this trouble. [Cheers and laugh¬ 
ter.] He ought never to have been put in our 
fuel, and if I could have my way, I would take 
him out and send him back to his native home 
in Africa, where he belongs. [Renewed cheer¬ 
ing.] My opinions on this mischievous ques 
tion of Slavery are well known here, and every¬ 
where, where I am known. I always have main¬ 
tained, maintain now, and expect to contend 
hereafter, that all the powers of the Constitution 
ought to be exercised to prevent its extension, 
and that the North should freely accord lo the 
slave States, in good faith, all that is guarantied 
to them by that American bond of Union which 
makes us one people, and binds us all to a com¬ 
mon destiny. [Cheers and applause.] On this 
subject I intend hereafter, as heretofore, to think 
for myself, act for myself, and on proper occa¬ 
sions speak for myself, as an American may do, 
independent of party drill and party platforms. 
[Cheer3.] 

But, sir, when this American party was first 
formed, Slavery was regarded as an outside is¬ 
sue, having no legitimate connection with the 
reforms which it intended to accomplish. I re¬ 
gret that circumstances afterwards occurred 
which have prevented its continuing to be an 
outside issue. That mischievous act which re¬ 
pealed the long-acquiesced-i.n Missouri Compro¬ 
mise, and startled the whole country, has forced 
into the American party this disturbing element. 
Yet, sir, (said Mr. Campbell, turning to Mr. 
Crittenden, of the Senate, and Mr. Puryear of 
North Carolina, of the House, who sat imme¬ 
diately on his left,) such is my confidence in 
the honor and patriotism of the two distinguish¬ 
ed gentlemen from the South on my left,* that 
I believe we could retire to an ante-room, and, 
although it would be two to one as between 
North and South, fix up a platform in reference 
to the merits of that act, upon just and concil¬ 
iatory terms, in ten minutes. [Cheers.] But 
the trouble is, it would not stay fixed, [laugh¬ 

* Mr. Puryear, of North Carolina, voted wither Camp 
bell against the repeal of tlie Missouri Compromise, and 
Mr. Crittenden is understood to regard it as a measure 
fraught with evil to the country. 


ter,] because, unfortunately, there are extre¬ 
mists in both sections, who seem determined to 
defy the Constitution and jeopardize the Union, 
and to disregard plighted faith. 

But, Mr. President, I pass from this melan¬ 
choly theme, which it may not be proper to dis¬ 
cuss on an occasion like this, to a brief consid¬ 
eration of some of the more legitimate topics— 
to the principles for which your organization 
was originally formed. 

It is not always profitable to declare “ I am 
an American;” yeti venture it to-night. Whilst 
I make this avowal now, I hold in my hand no 
dark lantern 1 Born upon the soil, and sharing 
in the blessings, the honors, and comforts, which 
the valor of our ancestors has secured to us, 
may I not say of my country, in the language 
of the American poet: 

“ I love thee for those hero souls 
Who answered Freedom’s call J 
I love thee for the Liberty 

Thou claim’si and giv’st to all. 

I love thee for the stalwart arms 
And braver hearts that stand, 

A stronger guard than castle wail, 

For thee —my native land! ” 

It is American Liberty and American Insti¬ 
tutions we seek to perpetuate. This can be 
done only through the purification of the elect¬ 
ive franchise, and a ballot-box which shall not be 
controlled either by foreign influences or the 
power of any church. [ Prolonged cheering.] 
We are charged with making war upon the 
Catholic religion—a war which is said to spring 
from prejudice. That is untrue. I certainly 
have no prejudice, (never having been a mem¬ 
ber of any church.) My partialities run with 
the Protestants, because in youth I was trained 
in that faith, and in manhood learned, from the 
history of the past, that the Protestant has 
always been the church of Freedom ! [Cheers.] 
No, sir; we stand by the Constitution. The 
fathers w’ho made it intended, as we do, to se¬ 
cure to all men the right to worship Almighty 
God according to the dictates of their own con¬ 
sciences. To do this effectually, we intend 
there shall be no union of Church and State. 
[Cheers.] 

We will let the Catholic and the Protestant 
each have unlimited freedom of religion, and 
the unrestrained right to adopt and practice any 
form of worship; but we say to all, you must 
not bring the combined power of your Church, 
especially if it be governed by a head in a foreign 
land, holding no sympathy with our institutions, 
to control the American ballot-box ! [Cheers.] 

If there be any Catholic in this country, who 
is not satisfied with this sort of religious liberty, 
I tell him the sooner he “ packs up his duds ” 
and goes back; the better for him ; because Sam 
is after all such persons. [Cheers.] But our 
Catholic friends complain that they are particu¬ 
larly marked in this movement. If they are, 
who is to blame? If they are specially looked 
after by the Americans, it is because in those 
countries where Papal power prevails there is 





/ 

1 

\ 

( 

\ 

i 


o 

O 


no genuine liberty , either civil or religious! 
[Applause.] 

In shaping our political action on this point, 
we must be governed by the lights of the ex¬ 
perience of the past. If we do not find in our 
own political history facts enough to justify the 
most vigilant scrutiny into the movements of 
the Jesuits, we need but cast the eye over the 
pages of history, or over old ocean into Southern 
Europe, now, for warnings to us that “ the price 
of liberty is eternal vigilance,” and that it can 
do no harm to guard against an abuse of the 
political power of the Pope of Rome in America. 
[Applause.] 

Intimately blended with this question is the 
question of freedom to the Bible. How stands 
that point? We find in many States, cities, and 
towns, an open war on the part of our Catholic 
fellow-citizens against the use of the Bible—that 
profoundest teacher of wisdom to all^nen—in 
our schools of learning. They fight these 
battles with a zeal that can originate only in a 
fanaticism that strikes down the genius of re¬ 
ligious liberty! Again: You go to Italy. You 
take your passports, under the great seal of the 
Government of the United States of America. 
You take your trunk, containing your wearing 
apparel, and a Protestant Bible—perhaps an 
old family relic, the last present of a dying 
mother. When you cross the line to Papal 
power, your passport with the broad national 
seal will admit your person and your shirts, 
your old boots, &c.; but they will not pass that 
good old Book you love, if not for its contents, 
on account of the associations that entwine it 
with your heart of hearts! Oh, no! the officer 
of Government under the power of the Pope 
will not tolerate its introduction, and under no 
circumstances can you ever acquire political 
power there; yet at the same time, under .the 
liberality of American law, we allow the Church 
of Rome to send here and circulate without re¬ 
straint its form of the Bible by ship loads, ac¬ 
companied by thousands and tens of thousands 
of members of that Church, with whom we di¬ 
vide the sovereign powers of our Government. 

Now, Hr. President, I do not know that this 
plank is in your lat e platform, (ior I have not 
examined it, and am sick of platforms ,) but it 
is in mine. I would have “Sam,” when he gets 
strong enough, (and he will grow and strength¬ 
en daily,) exact of all the nations of the earth 
with whom we are in friendly intercourse, equal¬ 
ity in all things—[cheers]—especially equality 
in all that pertains to religious liberty— 
[cheers]—and the right of Young America, or 
Old America, to take with him, wheresoever he 
may rightfully go, any form of the Word of God 
which suits his religion, whether it be Catholic 
or Protestant. [Prolonged cheering.] 

And again, sir: “All men must die.” Thus 
it is written in Nature's record! In this 
great land of ours, the spirit of Americans se¬ 
cures to the wayfarer, who is smitten by the fell 
destroyer, Death, without regard to the place of 


his birth or the peculiarities of his religion, the 
freedom of funeral obsequies. How is it in 
Papal lands with the fallen Protestant Ameri¬ 
can? Sir, you are not allowed to consign his 
mortal remains to their resting place in mother 
earth, with as much decent respect as a foreign 
Catholic in America is allowed to bestow on 
the burial of his Newfoundland dog. [Cheers.] 
Here, sir, is another plank which my American¬ 
ism would stick into your platform. I would 
have our Government demand—aye, secure— 
the right of respectful funeral ceremonies to the 
American when he dies, from every nation on 
the face of the footstool of Almighty God with 
whom we have amicable relations. [Cheers.] 

Is there any Catholic or any foreigner in 
America who will dare say this is an unjust de¬ 
mand? Sir, our movement, embarassed as it 
is by internal difficulties, must establish, and 
will establish, sooner or later, that which we 
have never had, because we have never boldly 
asserted our right to it—an Independent Na¬ 
tionality! [Cheers.] Yes, to use the expres¬ 
sion of Kossuth, we must be recognised every¬ 
where as one of “ the Peoples ” of the earth— 
as an independent Power, acting upon the prin¬ 
ciple of “ equal and exact justice,” in our inter¬ 
course with other nations—asking nothing more 
than that which we give—accepting nothing 
less! [Cheers.] 

We are charged with a proscription of for¬ 
eigners, in proposing a reform in our naturali¬ 
zation laws. A few words, briefly, on that 
point. With the right of suffrage as to the 
foreigner who has immigrated, or with his priv¬ 
ilege to be naturalized under our present sys¬ 
tem, we do not propose to interfere. To those 
who are yet in foreign lands, we give notice of 
a new rule of law which is to be established. 
That is all. Who can justly complain of this? 
Certainly not the man of foreign birth now with 
us. That there is a necessity for a reform in 
this regard, no man can deny. I will not go 
into statistics on an occasion like this, but I 
have authentic documents to prove that foreign 
Governments, who profess to be on terms of 
friendly intercourse with us, have long been 
disgorging from their penitentiaries and their 
pest-houses, their felons and paupers, and ship¬ 
ping them to the shores of America ! In some 
countries—particularly in Belgium—the Legis¬ 
lature has seriously considered, as a question 
of economy to the Government, whether it would 
not be better to abolish their prison and poor- 
house system, and transport their felons and 
paupers to America! That Belgium has often 
perpetrated this great international wrong, there 
is no doubt. England, too, has sent her felons 
from Botany Bay ! Sir, “ Young America ”— 
that is to say “ Samuel ” and his family—have 
determined to put an end to these transactions, 
even though the remedy be that most dire of all 
resorts—the word of u three little letters — w-a-r ! ” 
j Cheers.] 

What do we, in our States, provide in refer- 








4 


ence to paupers who are native-born Ameri¬ 
cans? By statute, which regulates the inter¬ 
course in the family of counties in either of 
our States, it is provided that paupers sent from 
one county to another may be sent back at the 
expense of the county sending them. That is 
simply all we propose, in our intercourse with 
the family of nations. When they send pau¬ 
pers to America, we will ship them back again, 
at the expense of the nation that sends them, 
and we will exact ‘‘indemnity for the past,and 
security for the future.” | Cheers.] 

Why, sir, these paupers and felons become 
sovereigns here under our laws. In Indiana, 
the fundamental law gives them suffrages in 
one year after they are sent here. Under the 
Kansas-Nebraska act, each cut-throat from a 
foreign penitentiary, and each loathsome dis¬ 
eased pauper from the pest-houses of Belgium, 
may be clothed, in an hour after his arrival, 
with as much power to regulate “ domestic in¬ 
stitutions,” and shape the destinies of those 
great Territories, filled by the God of Nature 
with all the elements necessary for the increase 
of American power, as either Washington or 
Jefferson could have, were they to arise from 
their graves at Mount Yernon and Monticello, 
and appear at the ballot-box I This is no fic¬ 
tion. It is a stern reality, and the thought 
makes one’s American blood course quickly 
through his veins. [Cheers.] 

Whilst you make such laws and submit to 
such wrongs, what do you provide in reference 
to our native-born felons? Let us draw a 
picture in illustration. One of these old bullet- 
riddled soldiers of the American Revolution, 
or one of the veterans of the war of 1812, is in 
the lobbies of Congress, endeavoring to get a 
bill passed to pay him for supplies he furnished 
our army in “the days that tried men’s souls!” 
He is poverty-stricken, because the Govern¬ 
ment has withheld from him that which it owes. 
He has, perchance, a starving family, and is 
too proud to beg. He passes your market space 
at twilight, wending his way to his desolate 
home, and tempted, or rather driven, by Neces¬ 
sity —that law of human nature which over¬ 
rides the provisions of ail other laws—he steals 
a horse, in order that he may buy bread. He 
steals one of those old Virginia nags, which 
we see there on market days—blind in both 
eyes, string-halt and spavin—a horse that would 
not bring two dollars and a quarter under the 
hammer! What does your law do with that 
old soldier? It sends him to your penitentiary, 
and disfranchises him forever ! Should he ever 
afterward appear at the ballot-box, your im¬ 
ported sovereign-felon from Botany Bay, with 
hands stained in the blood of his wife or child, 
having voted, would challenge successfully the 
veteran’s vote, on the ground of infamy! 

Now, sir, I appeal to men of all parties—I 
appeal to the man of foreign birth, who has 
adopted this as the land of his future destiny 
and the home of his children—I appeal to all 


m?n whose political action is in any wise gov¬ 
erned by the principles of moral right—is not 
the American party correct in its opposition to 
the influx of foreign paupers and felons? If 
Americans, native and adopted, now here, can- 
.not rule America, who should rule it? Shall 
we degrade ourselves by submitting tamely our 
heritage of Freedom to influences such as these? 
Never! I say never! [Applause.] It may 
suit the purposes of a venal party to cut off the 
heads of Americans in office, and thus deprive 
them of bread, to make room for their adopted 
fellow-citizens ! This system of importations 
from foreign prison cells and pest-houses may 
give “the party” power. But, mark it! Power 
thus secured will be short lived. [Applause.] 
If we must have the aid of such a foreign influ¬ 
ence to carry on our Government, let U3 at 
once have a provision of law to send the Amer¬ 
ican ball(ft-box into all foreign lands. Let it be 
taken, there, from penitentiary to penitentiary, 
from prison to prison, from cell to cell, from 
lazar-house to lazar house, from pest-house to 
pest-house ! Let the inmates decide who shall 
rule America! Let them deposite their tickets, 
to neutralize and overcome ours in deciding who 
shall govern the land of our birth, if it must be 
so. But let us, I ask, with a view to the safety 
and well-being of our own people, and for the 
protection of our firesides, our families, and our 
homes, resist this influx of paupers and felons, 
who bring to us disease, poverty, and death! 
[Applause.] 

God knows we have our own internal troubles; 
but these are our business—not the business of 
other nations—and we can settle them ourselves 
without their interference. We certainly do 
not seek the help of those who do not come to 
our shores voluntarily, from love of liberty, de¬ 
termined to maintain our institutions and abide 
by our laws. We wage no war against the 
adopted citizen of foreign birth, if he be truly 
American in heart. But if he seeks to incul¬ 
cate foreignisms and subvert our system, or 
engraft upon it principles which he imports 
from other lands adverse to American policy, 
then we say to him, We are against you, and 
we can get along without you, whether your 
name be John Bull, Patrick O’ Rafferty, or 
Hans Heitenspokenberger ! [Laughter and ap¬ 
plause. ] 

Mr. President, some of our own people—na¬ 
tive-born Americans—threaten to dissolve our 
Union. Now, sir, I regard that as simply ridic¬ 
ulous. The truth is, u that thing can't be did! ” 
[Laughter.] At least, sir, I know that my na¬ 
tive State (Ohio) regards all talk about disso¬ 
lution as the fruit of imaginations bewildered 
by fanaticism. Why, sir, how would you make 
the division? It has been said that the Ohio 
river is to be the dividing line. The honorable 
Senator (Mr. Crittenden) and I will both object 
to that, for many reasons. The gallant Buckeye 
lads have crossed over that river; they have 
wooed, won, wedded, and carried back Ken- 



/ 


tucky’s fairest daughters. [Applause.] They | 
have reared hosts of young Americans, [ap¬ 
plause;] and do you suppose they are ready to 
split and make a division? [Laughter and 
applause.] No! It’s not worth while to talk 
about that. Kentucky and Ohio, whatever may 
be their troubles as neighbors, will never con¬ 
sent to belong to separate Confederacies, and 
thus render their people, linked together by the 
strong ties of consanguinity, aliens and foreign¬ 
ers to each other! No, never! [Cheers and 
applause.] 

If dissolution is to be our destiny, I trust I 
shall not live to witness the border strifes which 
must ensue. I never want to see the pure 
waters of the beautiful Ohio reddened with 
American blood shed by American hands! [Ap¬ 
plause.] I have strong feeling on this point. 
When an infant on the Ohio frontier, without pro¬ 
tection from the scalping-knife of those savages 
hired by British gold to massacre, indiscrimi¬ 
nately, the pioneer mother and her children, in 
the war of 1812, joy and gladness were brought 
to the heart of the mother who watched over 
my cradle, by the express who returned from 
the scene of hostility with the news, “ The Ken¬ 
tucky regiment has arrived! ” Yes, sir, when 
Ohio, in her infancy, was about to be overcome, 
Kentucky’s noblest spirits rallied to the rescue 
of the young sister, and, under the lead of the 
gallant Harrison, drove back and conquered 
the foe! [Applause.] Now that we have grown 
strong under our institutions, I cannot forget 
the history of the past, and contemplate with¬ 
out emotion the idea that those two States 
shall ever be brought into conflict upon fields 
of battle. [Applause.] 


From the American Organ, March 18, 1S56. 

HON. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL. 

A porlion of the Northwestern press, pursuing the 
“ crushing out” policy which Giitdings. VV tide, Greeley, 
and others, commenced at the opening of the present ses¬ 
sion of Congress, have pursued Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, 
and misrepresented his course, with a bitterness of feeling 
unbecoming civilized men. We know of no offence 
which this gentleman has committed, unless it be that, in 
the House of Representatives, he dared to assert, in a 
voice which rang throughout the remotest parts of that 
Hall and its ample galleries, “ I am an American /” The 
more recent assaults upon this gentleman originated with 
the Cincinnati Gazette , tne Ohio State Journal, and the To¬ 
ledo Blade. These papers are edited by Messrs.Schouler 
and Follett. wno, it is said, bartered away ihe honor oi 
Ohio for a chance to pocket the profits of the House print¬ 
ing, and by a Mr. Williams, who succeeded in fobbing 
the stealings of the House binding. 

This trio of unscrupulous editors have most violently 
assailed Mr. Campbell, on the strength of an imperfect', 
hasty, and in several respects erroneous sketch ot a 
speech which he made at the American ratification meet¬ 
ing, on the ‘29th ultimo, and which sketch appeared m the 
Organ, given us by our local reporter without Mr. Camp¬ 
bell’s corrections, or any supervision, which only purport¬ 
ed to be a rough sketch of his remarks. As one of the 
commitiee to procure speakers, we know that Mr Camp¬ 
bell only came to ihe meeting, after repeated solicitations, 
and without preparation—yet his speech was one of which 
no American need be ashamed—it was repLte with wit 
and humor, and was at times exceedingly e oquent. W e 
heard every word of it, being ourself on the stand, and 


Mr. President, our path of duty is plain. In 
regard to our domestic troubles, we must main¬ 
tain the supremacy of the Constitution and 
laws. Fidelity to these in all things, by all 
sections, and at all times, and obedience to the 
constituted authorities of the land, will make 
this Union perpetual. [Applause.] With our 
Union as it is, and thorough fraternal feeling 
between its various parts, we may present our¬ 
selves to the world as a grand Nationality, fos¬ 
tering its own labor and develoDing its own 
resources—as a people, independent , whether 
in peace or in tear, capable of doing our own 
voting , and, when necessity calls, capable of 
doing our own fighting, tool [Applause.] 

Let us move on in defence of these great 
principles, and then, as we grow stronger and 
stronger, America will quicken and lengthen 
her step in the grand march of nations in hu¬ 
man progress; and when those of us who are now 
actors in the great movement shall have been 
gathered to our fathers, our children will hail 
those glorious stars and stripes which now 
hang so gracefully over you, Mr. President, and 
to which we have plighted our fidelity, in the 
language of one of our native-born poets— 

“Flag of ihe free heart’s only home, 

By angel hands to valor given. 

Thy stars have lit the welkin dome, 

And all thy uues were born in Heaven! 
Forever float that standard sheet, 

Where bieathes the foe but falls before us, 
With Freedom’s soil beneath our feet, 

Aud Freedom’s banner w ;.ving o’er us ! ” 

As Mr. Campbell retired, the meeting cheered with 
great enthusiasm, and prolonged the cheers for some 
time. 

Mr. Crittenden then followed, in an eloquent address. 


within ten feet of the speaker, and we vouch for the accu¬ 
racy of the full report of it given to-day in our columns. 


House of Representatives, 

Washington. March 13,1856. 

Mr Dear Sir: The Cincinnati Gazette, the Ohio State 
Journal, aud other Republican papers in the Wen, are 
assailing me w ith much violence, charging that I made a 
speech at the recent mass meeting in this city, which we 
addressed, in which I abandoned my principles on the Sla¬ 
very question, and pledged my support of Fillmore and 
Donelson. 

You heard every word I utterred on that occasion, and 
I therefore call on you to state whether anything occurred 
to justify such charges and assault?. 

Vt ry truly, yours, See., LEWIS D. CAMFBELL. 

Hon. John J. Crittenden, U. S. Senate. 


Washington, March 14,1856. 

My Dear Sir: I avail myself of the earliest moment 

of leisure to reply to your letter of yesterday. 

Avoiding any recapitulation of your letter by referring 
to it. 1 proceed to stale that I was present on the occasion 
alluded to—sat near to you—listened attentively, and 
heard all that you said in your address to the meeting. 

You commenced by stating distinctly, perhaps I might 
say emphatically, that you had been called out unex¬ 
pectedly, ami, in appearing, did not wish or intend to bo 
considered as committing yourself to men, or as participa¬ 
ting in the proceedings of the meeting, further than to dis¬ 
cuss the principles of the American party, as you under¬ 
stood them. 










G 


In reference to Slavery, you said that, il was an element 
in question that had destroyed the Whig party, split the 
Democratic party, and now seemed to threaten or divide 
the American party. 

You declared that you had always been, and then was, 
oprosed t > the further extension of Slavery, and would 
oppose it by all constitutional means; but that you were 
in favor of giving to the South all its constitutional rights; 
and that on this question you would think and act for 
yourself, and, on proper occasions, speak for yourself. 

You then went on to the discussion of other subjects— 
the evils and abuses of the foreign emigration; the protec¬ 
tion of American institutions and labor, by the purifica¬ 
tion of the ballot box, &c.; and closed by ridiculing threats 
to dissolve the Union, and especially condemning the idea 
that Kentucky arid Ohio should belong to separate Confed¬ 
eracies, and their sons and daughters, who had intermar¬ 
ried. be made aliens and foreigners to each other. 

This, I think, sir, was about the course and scope of 
your remarks. I do not wish it to be understood that 1 
have attempted to give a literal report of any part of your 
speech, but only the substance of it. I think I have given 
that correctly, so far, especially, as is relevant or material 
to the attacks or charges which you say have been made 
against you. I heard nothing from you to warrant or 
justify such charges, according to my understanding of 


i the subicct. 1 have the honor to be. very respectfully, 
your*, Ac., J. J. CRITTENDEN. 

Hon Lewis D. Campbell. 


House of Representatives, 

Washington, March 14,1S56. 

At your request, I have read the le'ter of the Hon. J. J. 
Crittenden. 1 was one of the audience, and heard every 
word ot your speech, and my recollection agrees fully and 
entirely with that of Mr. C., as to what you then said. 

Yours, respectfully, O. F. MOORE. 

Hon. Lewis D. Campbell. 

Washington City, March 15,1856. 

Dear Sir: In compliance with your note of to-day. I 
have carefully read the letter of Mr Crittenden, relative 
to your address at the recent ratification meeting. It is in 
every particular corre'«t. I was present as a spectator, 
and while I regretted that you took any part, in the meet¬ 
ing. I observed with pleasure that you did not in the least 
commit yourself to the nominations of the Philadelphia 
Convention, nor abate or modify, in any respect your 
well-known convictions in regard to the extension of Sla¬ 
very. Very truly, yours, " JOHN SHERMAN. 

Hon. Lewis D. Campbell. 


‘‘ANTECEDENTS” ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION. 


September . 1844.—Mr. Campbell (being then 
a candidate for Congress in Ohio) published in 
the papers of his district a letter in reference to 
Slavery, in which he said : 

“ Having been born and reared in the valley of the 
Miami, I have naturally, from boyhood, looked upon 
Slavers as a hliglit. bringing in its tram great moral and 
political evils. Although not favorable to the course pur¬ 
sued by the Abolitionists or Liberty’party, and opposed 
to eveiy measure which would violate the compromises 
of our forefathers in the adoption of the Constitution, still 
I shall resist every new scheme proposed to add strength 
or power to the evil.” * * * * * 

“ I am satisfied with our Union as it is, and trust I shall 
ever be found, in prosperity or adversitv, its true and 
steadia>t friend—in favor of such legisiation as will^ro- 
tert all its interests—sustain its honor—promote the happiness 
of our people —and render us, as no doubt the Hod of Na¬ 
ture designed wi* should be, at all times, whether in peace 
or in war, independent of all the nations of the Earth.” 

October , 1848.—Mr. Campbell was elected to 
Congress, and, during the canvass, opposed the 
further extension of Slavery. On the 19th of 
February, 1850, he made his first speech in the 
House of Representatives. After discussing 
the question elaborately, he closed as follows: 

“ I have shown some of the reasons why I am in favor 
of the Proviso of the Ordinance of ’87. I designed going 
at large into an exhibition of its practical effects. For 
want of time, I will relate incidents which are calculated 
to impress their upon the mind. 

k ‘I have a constituent who has been an eye-witness to 
the rapid progress of that 'Territory to which our Revolu¬ 
tionary fathers first applied it. He is a native of the ‘Old 
Dominion,’ and at the age of sixteen fought in the battles 
ot Eutaw, of Camden, and of Guilford Court-House. The 
Northwest Territory was then a vast, unbroken wilder¬ 
ness, uninhahited save by the. savage and the wild beast. 
No keel had ruffled the smooth surface of her magnificent 
lakes and rivers! Her boundless forests were untouched 
by the woodman ! The sod of her vast prairies was un¬ 
broken by the agriculturist! In 17S7, it was decreed that 
this soil should never he polluted by the foot of Slavery! 
In 1789, he left his friends, and, with his rifle upon his 
shoulder, cast his destiny there. In that year, he taught, 
in a log cabin on the banks of the beautiful Ohio, the'sec- 
ond school of the Northwestern Territory. Subsequently, he 
aided to ‘ carry up the corner ’ of the first log cabin, where 
now stands the great city of Cincinnati! In 1802, lie was 
a member of the Convention which framed the Constitu¬ 


tion of Ohio, and aided in embodying in it the cLause in¬ 
hibiting Slavery. Sir, that mail still lives to witness its 
fruits. Four millions of freemen are hapny there, with 
no fears of insurrections to trouble them in the stillness 
ot the night—the lamentations of no slave to disturb their 
repose. Instead or the single hut, surrounded by savages, 
thousands of colleges, academies, churches, and school- 
houses. qdorn the land, and tens of thousands of merry 
children acquire in them those impressions which will 
make them useful to their country, and prepare their souls 
for eternity. Sir, I relate this to challenge gentlemen to 
point me m the history of all the world to any country, in 
any age, where, in the lifetime of one man, such progress 
has been made, and fflr the purpose of pointing to these 
monuments there erected to the patriotism, wisdom, and 
sagacity of those who formed the old Continental Con¬ 
gress of 17741 That individual, although aged, still lives, 
and is still physically able to protect the family of a na¬ 
tive of that soil who is absent from his home to urge, as 
a solemn duty, the passage of the same provision for the 
Territories which our posterity must occupy. 

“ Before high Heaven, let me say, that duty , regardless 
of consequences, will he discharged. That person will 
urge upon all to keep up the lights of Liberty enkindled 
by our fathers; that we may be directed by’them in the 
advancement of measures which will secure the highest 
degree of perfection of which man in his fallen condition 
is susceptible in this life; and when ‘ its fitful dream is 
over,’ a place in that land where sorrows and oppressions 
never come.” 

August 12 th x 1852.—In the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives, Mr. Campbell defended General 
Scott’s principles as a Whig, and in the course 
of his speech again opposed the introduction of 
Slavery into the Territories. He closed: 

“ Let others do as they may, sir; for my own part, I 
have long been enlisted in ‘his cause—a soldier not for 
three months, nor six months, nor ‘for the war’ alone, 
hut for life; and my greatest aim shall he so to press on, 
that when my battles are ail over in this world, it may be 
written of me, politically at least— 

“ Faithful found 

Among tlm faithless. * * * * 

* * * * * # “Unmoved. 

Unshaken, unseduced, unterrified, 

His loyalty he kept, his love, hi,s zeal; 

Nor number nor example with him wrought 

To swerve from truth, or change his constant mind.” 

\ _ 

February 11th, 1854.—Mr. Campbell replied 
to the speech of Hon. A. H. Stephens, of Geor- 

% 













gia, in the House ot Representatives, on the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and closed 
as follows: 

“ In conclusion, I can but say, that upon this question 
as upon every oilier which involves the extension ot Sla¬ 
very, 1 stand by the Constitution. I stand where Wash¬ 
ington stood ! 1 stand where Jefferson, the author of the 

Dec'aration of Independence, stood ! 1 stand where Pat¬ 

rick Henry, where Lee. and where Harrison stood! 1 
stolid, sir, where the patriots of all Virginia stood in her 
best days! I stand, sir, where Adams, and Sherman, and 
Jay, and Hooper, and Caswell, and Gadsden, and the Rut¬ 
ledges stood, during the Revolutionary contest for Free¬ 
dom! To adopt the language of another, as evidence of 
my respect for his position on this question : 

“ ‘I 5-tand upon the Ordinance of i767. There the path 
is marked b> the blood of the Revolution. I stand in com¬ 
pany with the “men of’87.” their locks wet with themisis 
of the Jordan, over which they passed—their garmei ts 
purple with the waters of the Red Sea, through which they 
led us of old to this laud of promise. With them to point 
the way, however dark the present, hope shines brightly on 
the future; and, discerning their footprints in my path, I 
shall tread it with unfaltering trust.’ ” 

[Here the hammer fell.] 


May 1 \th, 1854.—The House was engaged 
for two days and two nights iu continuous ses¬ 
sion on the Kansas-Nebraska act. The follow¬ 
ing is the account of the closing midnight scene, 
taken from the Congressional Globe : 

“Mr. CAMPBELL. I simply desire, Mr. Speaker, as 
this whole matter is out of order, to inquire of the gentle¬ 
man from Georgia- 

“Mr. SEWARD. I call the gentleman to order. 

[“ Cries of‘order,’ from all parts of the Hall.] 

“Mr. CAMPBELL, amidst much confusion, said: I 
shall resist this measure to the biiter end! I say so, never 
minding the gentleman who calls me to order. 

[‘ Cries of 4 order.’] 

‘•Mr. SEWARD. There are other places, instead of 
this, where personal difficulties may he settled. 

[“ Members here crowded around Mr. Campbell. Many 
got on the tops of the desks.] 

“Mr. CAMPBELL. 1 tell gentlemen that. I shall resist 
this measure with all my power, to the last extremity, and the 
bitter end! 

[“.Members still continued crowding around Mr. Camp 
bell] 

“ The SPEAKER. The Chair calls on all lovers of or¬ 
der to preserve oider in the Hall. 

“ The Sergeant-at-arms, with the mace of the House, 
proceeded to compel members to resume their seats, and 
preserve order. 

“The SPEAKER. Those who are disorderly are act¬ 
ing in contempt of the House. 

[“Cries of ‘ Down from the desks.’] 

“ Order was now partially restored.” 


December 14 th, 1854.—Mr. Campbell again 
replied to the speech of Mr. Stephens, of Geor¬ 
gia, in the Honse of Representatives, on the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the 
causes of the defeat of the Administration can¬ 
didates for Congress in the free States. He 
Nosed his speech as follows : 

\t cast from high places of trust and from loro ones— 
\he foreign court and from the village post office— 
\iouest. capable, and faithful,’ who dared, in defi¬ 
cits dictation, to exercise, independently, the sov- 
Vhts of American freemen ; and appointed, in 
\ those who were- neither fitted, by birth, by ed- 
\by oilier high qualities of manhood, to fill the 

\ the Missouri Compromise. Yes, sir, it tore 
\ that great act of our fathers, rendered sa 
Veil, to the people of the North and of the 
i cause of our National Union , in which 
e long acquiescence of all the States. 
\olation of its solemn vows the 4 bleed- 
\’e 4 healing measures’ of 1850 were 
\s thrown wide open the sluices of 


sectional strife, as the late elections and this discussion 
fully prove. 

“I repeat it, sir, in no spirit of personal unkindness to 
its members, this Administration has fallen—‘fallen like 
Lucifer!’ The unerring pen of Historywill reco-d, in 
small space, an account of its works and its achieve¬ 
ments : It repealed the Missouri Compromise — it struck at the 
Know Nothings, not knowing where to strike—it captured 
Grey town! and went down: 

“ ‘Like the snow-flake on the river, 

A moment white—then gone forever.’ 

“ Lookimr at its incoming, its condition, and its ap¬ 
proaching inevitable outgoing. I repeat, 4 more in pity than 
in anger,’ the words of the poet: 

“ 4 -How a e the mighty fallen! 

And by the people’s hand! Low lie the proud ! 

And smitten with 'he weapons of the poor— 

Their tale is told ; and for that they were rich, 

And robbed the poor; and tor that they were sirong, 

And scourged the weak; and for that they made laws 

Wluch turned the sweat of labor’- brow to blood— 

For these, their sins, the nation casts them out.’ ” 

February 28 th, 1855.—Mr. Campbell again 
replied to Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, on the 
question of excluding Slavery from Territories, 
and concluded his remarks as follows: 

‘•Mr. Chairman, this controversy is closed, at least for 
the present 1 leave it as I entered it—with no personal 
feeling of unkindness towards the gentleman from Geor¬ 
gia, [Mr. Stephens,] or any other member on this floor. I 
am firmly, resolutely determined in the future, as I have 
heen in the past, to oppose the extension of Slavery ; but 
I seek no conspicuous position in any struggle. A few 
■ more short days, and we separate—many of us to meet 
no more on this side of Jordan. Before another Congress 
convenes, my mortal remains may sleep under the shade 
of my native Buckeye, and I desire we should part in 
peace. If life is spared me, however, [ shall return to 
these scenes of strife, in obedience to the decree oi the 
people. 1 shall come to respect the feelings and opinions- 
of others, yet determined to defend my own principles 
and the rights of my constituents, under all circumstances, 
and at ail hazards! And, sir, I believe there will be 
many others from the wildwood of the free forests, each 
of whom will come here with his ‘five smooth stones 
gathered from the brook,’ ready to defend the right. 
Should I stand alone, believing that my position on this 
subject is founded upon the immutable principles of God's 
justice, l shall not he dismayed when the wild storm may 
rage in these Halls. Planting myself firmly upon the 
principles of Liberty and Truth and National honor, as 
proclaimed by the founders of the Republic, if the Phil is 
tines gather around in battle ariay, I will draw my feeble 
blade, and hid defiance in the language of the gallant Fitz 
James, when surrounded by the clan ot Roderick : 

“ ‘Come one, come all—this rock shall fly 
From its firm base, as soon as I! ’ ” 

December 7th, 1855.—Congress convened on 
the 3d. Mr. Campbell was voted for as a can¬ 
didate for Speaker, for five days, and withdrew 
from the canvass on the 7th, when his vote was 
more than six. times as great as that of any 
other Anti-Nebraska candidate, making the fol¬ 
lowing speech : 

“Mr. Clerk, I ask the indulgence of the House until I 
can remove one of the obstacles to our organization. The 
country is looking on our proceedings witli deep anxiety, 
and every member is ready to acknowledge the import¬ 
ance of a speedy organization. We have now been vo¬ 
ting five days; twenty-three votes have been taken. I 
find, through the partiality of friends, that I have received, 
in six of those votes, a higher number titan any other can¬ 
didate before the House; and in all the votes, a gieater 
number titan any other candidate of the opposition to the 
Administration. Yet, sir, it is obvious to me that it is im¬ 
possible for my friends to succeed, unless I can perform 
one of three conditions: to repudiate my well-known princi¬ 
ples in reference to Slavery; my views on Americanism; or, 
in some way , directly or indirectly, to make pledges with re¬ 
gard to the forming of committees , which will amount to a 
sacrifice of my self-respect, and make me, in my opinion, a 
fit object for public cantempi! 












8 




“Under these circumstances, and feeling that the inter¬ 
ests of the country require an organization, and regarding 
tho^e interests as ■paramount to every other consideration , J 
withdraw my name from the canvass. And in taking my 
seat, I desire to return to the friends who have shown so 
much fidelity to me my sincere gratitude, and my thanks 
to my political opponents who have given me evidences 
of their personal regard. My name is withdrawn.” 


December 2\st, 1855.—Before a Speaker was 
elected, a discussion arose on the principles of 
the Kansas-Nebraska act. 

Extract from the Congressional Globe. 

“Mr. JO.mES. 1 want to ask my friend from Ohio [Mr 
Campbell] whether, if the people of the Territory of Mit - 
nesota came here, and. through their Delegate, ask him 
to allow them to have the privilege of having Slavery or 
not. as they please, he will vo.e for that? 

“ Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. Never! [Applause.”] 


January 9th , 1856.—Hon. Joshua R. Gid- 
dings (Mr. Campbell’s colleague) having writ¬ 
ten a letter lor publication in the Ashtabula 
Sentinel, reflecting upon the course of Mr. 
Campbell during the election of a Speaker, 
Mr. C. addressed the House on the subject of 
newspaper misrepresentations. The following 
is an extract from his speech: 

“ Were I to undertake to correct all the misrepresenta¬ 
tions that have been made through the newspaper press 
in reference lo my course during the last few months, it 
would lake perhaps a week of the valuable lime of this 
body I recollect that during the last summer—and ] 
speak of it now in the hearing of one of the editors of the 
paper, who, as an ex-member of Congress, is entitled to 
the privileges ot the Hull—I was denounced in the New 
Yo 1c Tribune as being in the city of Philadelphia, endeav¬ 
oring to sell out the Northern portion of the American 
party to the ‘slave oligarchy ’ of the South. 

‘ The truth of the matter is simply this: that at that very 
time I could not have been in the city of Philadelphia, 
unless I Had been sent by this new system of telegraph 
which the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Pennington] 
lias spoken of, in the morning from my Home on the. Miami 
and returned again in time for my dinner. In reference 
to ttie charge of ueing a ‘ doughface,’that has been herald¬ 
ed through that press and others, to my constituents, and 
all over the country, 1 have simply to s«y. without intend¬ 
ing to use denunciatory language, or any expressions of 
unkinduess to tho-e editors, that there is not one syllable 
ot truth in this charge. I have uniformly, since J have 
been connected with politics, ratten the position that power 
is conferred upon Congress by the Constitution to exclude 
Slavery from the Territories, and I have contended that it is 
expedient to exercise that power. 1 have fought the battle 
before the people upon that principle, and I appeal to gen¬ 
tlemen from every section of this country to say whether 
I have not, in my poor feeble way, fought the baitle here; 
and I challenge all the Tribunes , and all the newspapers 
and a'l the letter-writers . and all the outsiders, and the rest of 
mankind, to prove that I ever uttered, either in writing or 
orally, publicly or privately , here or elseiuhere, anything in¬ 
consistent with that position.' 1 ' 1 * * * * 

“ Again: I have supported that distinguished gentleman 


[Mr. Banks] under the full belief that he Is, as I am-ond 
I am proud to declare it —an American, [applause in the 
galleries,] and in favor of the leading characteristic prin¬ 
ciples of that organization He openly declared such to 
be his principle - when interrogated in the last Congress, 
and I know the fact from other sources. And recently, 
his colleague, [Mr. Damkei.l.] when the question was be¬ 
fore this body, declared the fact that he still belonged to 
that organization. If I have been deceived in this.it is 
due that either that gentleman or his friends should unde¬ 
ceive me nov/; for there has been going on what is call¬ 
ed the ‘crushing out’ process. I understand full well 
that the leading politicians of this country, a year ago, 
sent out a decree from this Capitol, that every man who 
was adhering io the American partv must be ‘crushed 
out; ’ and that decree was followed up by the active efforts 
of prominent newspaper editors. 1 have been made to 
feel their power: but I still survive.” * * * 

“ 1 hold in my hand a copy of a paper, issued this day, 
which has a very extensive circulation in the North—the 
National Era. of this city. I find this language iii that 
paper, speaking of the gentleman from Massachusetts, 
[Mr. Banks:] 

“ 4 What is his position? He is known to have been a 
Democrat, as he is known to be a Republican ; but what 
Republican cares for his opinion about the tariff?’' 

“Now, sir, as a member of this body, I care about his 
opinion, and the opinion of every oilier gentleman in Ihis 
House, upon the subject of the tariff, because I am one. of 
that class of politicians who believe in the great American 
principle sustained by the greatest American statesmen , 
iliat the Government ought to protect, by law, ail the in¬ 
terests and all the industry of this favored land of ours, 
against the adverse policy of foreign nations. Yet l do 
not make that question paramount io all others. I am 
willing to waive that temporarily, for the sake of achiev¬ 
ing a greater end; but I cannot waive. I do not \» aive, 
and will not waive, for any purpose all the principles de¬ 
clared by the American organization .” 


January 28 th, 1856.—Hon. Edward Wade 
(Mr. Campbell’s colleague) having published 
an anonymous letter in the Cleveland Herald , 
assailing Mr. Campbell’s course in the House 
of Representatives, Mr. C. brought the matter 
to the notice of the House, and closed his re¬ 
marks as follows: 

“ On the subject of Slavery my position is. I trust, well 
known to everyone in this House, and fully understood 
by those I represent. 1 have never occupied a doubtful 
position on that question here, or among my constituents. 

‘•My position on the subject of Americanism is also 
well known, and has been boldly avowed. 1 apprehend 
it is because it L so well known here and at home that 
ihese assaults are made upon me. Ifihis principle ol ‘crush¬ 
ing oat is to lie pursued, because of my avowals on the 
subject, then 1 can say to my colleague that he will have 
a lively time of it belore he finishes his contest with me, 
Mir, we have nailed the banner to the mast on which the 
principles ot American reform are inscribed. If he seek, 
to prostrate me tor this cause, I point him to that banner 

“ ‘ Our (lag is there ! our flag is there ! 

We’ll hail it with our loud huzzas! 

Our flag is there! our (lag is there ! 

Behold its glorious stripes and stars! > 

“ \Ve do not intend to abandon it—never! never! ” 



BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS, WASHINGTON, D. 0. 


/ 


/ 

/ 













